Sotsial -demokratik partiyasi

Sotsial -demokratik partiyasi

Sotsial-demokratik partiyasi (SDP) 1897 yilda bir guruh chap jurnalistlar va kasaba uyushmalari faollari tomonidan tashkil etilgan. Etakchi shaxslar qatoriga Eugene Debs, Viktor Berger va Ella Riv Bloor kirdi. Keyingi yili partiyaning ikki a'zosi Massachusets qonun chiqaruvchi organiga saylandi.

1900 yilda Evgeniy Debs 1900 yilda partiyaning prezidentlikka nomzodi bo'lgan, ammo atigi 97 ming ovoz olgan. Keyingi yili SDPning ba'zi a'zolari, jumladan Debs, partiyani tark etib, Amerika sotsialistik partiyasini tuzdilar.


Sotsial -demokratik partiyasi

Har xil adabiyotlar

Tarixiy jihatdan Daniyaning eng yirik siyosiy partiyasi bo'lgan Sotsial -demokratik partiyasi (Socialdemokratiet) 1930 -yillardan 1980 -yillarning boshiga qadar Daniya hukumatining ko'pchiligini boshqargan. Konservativ Xalq Partiyasi (Konservativ Folkeparti) va Liberal Partiyasi (Venstre) boshchiligidagi nootsialistik partiyalar koalitsiyasi 1993 yilgacha, sotsial -demokratlar hukmronlik qilgan paytgacha ...

Sotsial -demokratik partiya 1950, 60 va 70 -yillarning etakchi partiyasi edi. 1953 yildan 1968 yilgacha u yakka o'zi yoki radikallar bilan birlashgan holda va qisqa vaqt ichida Adolat partiyasi bilan hokimiyatda edi.

... Radikal Chap va Sotsial-Demokratik Partiya (o'z nuqtai nazariga ko'ra, chap partiyalarga qaraganda ancha chapparast bo'lib qolgan). Biroq, bir qator kichik partiyalar ham o'z ta'sirini topdi va siyosiy vaziyatni murakkablashtirdi.

Rahbarligi

1935 yilda Sotsial -demokratik partiyani eng katta saylov g'alabasiga olib kelganidan so'ng, Stauning 1930 -yillar oxirida iqtisodiy sharoitni yaxshilashdan foyda ko'rdi. U 1939 yilda bir palatali parlament tizimini yaratish uchun konstitutsiyaviy islohotlarni amalga oshira olmadi. Garchi uning hukumati Germaniya bilan tajovuz qilmaslik to'g'risida shartnoma imzolagan bo'lsa -da ...

... sotsial -demokratik partiyasi rahbari sifatida. Garchi 2007 yilda Bosh vazir Anders Rasmussen boshchiligidagi hukmron liberal-konservativ koalitsiyaga saylovda partiya katta yo'qotishlarga uchragan bo'lsa-da, Torning-Shmidt uning etakchisi bo'lib qoldi.


Tarix

SDLP 1970 yil avgustda tuzilgan. Uning og'ir sarlavhasi partiyaning gibrid tabiatidan dalolat beradi, uning asoschilari respublikachilar mehnat partiyasi, Shimoliy Irlandiya ishchi partiyasi va millatchilar partiyasi a'zolari, shuningdek, partiyaning uchta mustaqil a'zosi edi. Parlament Shimoliy Irlandiyadan. Bu partiya sotsialistik internatsional va Evropa sotsialistlari partiyasiga (Evropa parlamentidagi sotsialistik partiyalar konfederatsiyasi) birlashib, darhol o'zining chap vakolatlarini o'rnatdi.

Boshidanoq yaxshi tashkil etilgan SDLP 1970-yillar davomida Rim-katolik jamoasida kuchli saylovlarga ega bo'lib, 20-24 foiz ovoz to'plab, 1973-74 yillardagi hokimiyatni taqsimlovchi qisqa muddatli ijroiya organida to'rt o'rinni qo'lga kiritdi. shu jumladan bosh direktor o'rinbosari. SDLP shu tariqa Shimoliy Irlandiyada davlat lavozimini egallagan birinchi millatchi partiya bo'ldi.

SDLPning katta saylov kuchi unga taklif qilingan konstitutsiyaviy o'zgarishlarga veto qo'yishga imkon berdi. Bu ustunlik 1980 -yillarda, Irlandiya respublikachilar armiyasi (IRA) siyosiy qanoti Sinn Feyn Shimoliy Irlandiyada saylovlarda qatnasha boshlagach, shubha ostiga qo'yildi. Sinn Feynning ishtiroki millatchilik ovozini oshirdi, lekin 1987 yilda Britaniya parlamentida SDLP to'rtta o'rinni egalladi. 1994 yildagi Evropa Parlamenti saylovlarida SDLP rahbari Xum deyarli 29 foiz ovoz to'plab, Ien Peyslidan atigi 1200 ovoz ortda qoldi. Demokratik ittifoqchilar partiyasi (DUP) rahbari.

Irlandiyani tinch yo'l bilan birlashtirishga sodiq qolgan SDLP, Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi mojaroni faqat ichki hal etish mumkin emasligiga amin edi. Partiya ingliz-irland hamkorligini yanada yaqinlashtirishga chaqirdi va evropalik sheriklar va nufuzli irland amerikaliklar bilan ittifoq tuzdi, ular orasida senatorlar Edvard Kennedi, Daniel Patrik Moynixon va Nyu-York gubernatori Xyu Keri. Bu strategiya Irlandiya Respublikasiga Shimoliy Irlandiya ishlarida rasmiy maslahatchi rolini bergan 1985 yildagi ingliz-irland kelishuviga o'z hissasini qo'shdi.

Sinn Feynni qurolli kurash befoyda ekanligiga ishontirishga urinib, Xum 1988 yildan boshlab ba'zan Sinn Feyn prezidenti Gerri Adams bilan yashirin muzokaralar olib bordi va 1993 yilda ikki davlat rahbarlari tinchlikka "uch tomonlama" yondashuvni talab qiladigan qo'shma printsiplar bayonotini chiqardi. Shimoliy Irlandiya, Shimoliy Irlandiya va Irlandiya respublikasi, respublika va Britaniya o'rtasidagi muammolarni hal qiladigan muzokaralar. Uch bosqichli yondashuv 1995 yilda Britaniya va Irlandiya hukumatlari tomonidan birgalikda chiqarilgan "Kelajak uchun asoslar" hujjatida qabul qilingan va keyingi yildan boshlanadigan ko'p partiyali muzokaralarga asos bo'lgan.

1998 yil aprelda tomonlar Shimoliy Irlandiyada o'zini o'zi boshqarishni tiklashga qaratilgan qadamlar to'g'risidagi Yaxshi Juma Bitimini (Belfast shartnomasi) tasdiqladilar. Shimoliy Irlandiyada jamoalararo koalitsion hukumat tuzish va aholining ko'pchiligi xohlagancha Shimoliy Irlandiya Birlashgan Qirollik tarkibida qolishini e'tirof etish qoidalari millatchilar manfaatlari uchun juda muhim edi. Shartnomada SDLPning asosiy takliflari aks etgan va partiya may oyida Shimoliy Irlandiyada o'tkazilgan referendumda uni qabul qilish uchun agressiv kampaniya o'tkazgan. (Xuddi shu kuni Irlandiya respublikasida ham shunday referendum o'tkazildi.) Iyun oyida bo'lib o'tgan saylovlarda SDLP yangi Shimoliy Irlandiya Assambleyasining 108 o'rinidan 24tasini qo'lga kiritdi. Assambleyadagi ikkinchi yirik partiya sifatida SDLP UUP, DUP va Sinn Feyn bilan yangi koalitsion hukumatning sherigiga aylandi. SDLPning to'rt a'zosi vazirlik lavozimlarini oldi, shu jumladan SDLP rahbarining birinchi o'rinbosari Seamus Mallon.

90 -yillarning oxirida Xyumning mashhurligi shubhasiz qoldi, lekin uning partiyasi tinchlik jarayonidagi ishtiroki tufayli siyosiy obro' -e'tibor qozongan Sinn Feyn tomonidan e'tiroz bildirishda davom etdi. Darhaqiqat, 2001 yilda Jamoatlar palatasiga saylovlarda Sinn Feyn birinchi marta SDLPga qaraganda ko'proq ovoz olgan. Hume 2001 yilda nafaqaga chiqqanidan so'ng, partiya jamoat palatasida ham, Shimoliy Irlandiya assambleyasida ham ishlagan Mark Durkanni o'z rahbari etib sayladi. Keyingi yillarda Sinn Feynning SDLP hisobidan Shimoliy Irlandiya millatchilari orasida mashhurligi oshdi. Masalan, 2005 yildagi Britaniya umumiy saylovidan so'ng, SDLP Sinn Feynning beshta o'rni bilan solishtirganda atigi uchta o'ringa ega edi va 2007 yilda Shimoliy Irlandiya Assambleyasiga o'tkazilgan saylovlarda u birinchi o'rinli ovozlarning atigi 15 foizini va 16 o'rinni qo'lga kiritdi. Sinn Feyn 26 foiz va 28 o'rin. SDLP 2010 yildagi Britaniya saylovlarida Sinn Feynga qaraganda kamroq o'rindiqlarni qo'lga kiritdi va Sinn Feyn beshta o'rinni saqlab qoldi. Durkan 2010 yilgi saylovlardan oldin rahbarlik lavozimini tark etdi va uning o'rnini Margaret Ritchi egalladi. Partiyaning saylovoldi boyliklari pasayishi 2011 yildagi Assambleyaga bo'lib o'tgan saylovlarda davom etdi, unda SDLP vakolatxonasi ikkiga - 14 o'ringa tushib ketdi. Bu natijalardan so'ng, partiyaning etakchisi sifatida Ritchi o'rniga Alasdair MakDonnell tanlandi. Garchi 2015 yil may oyida Buyuk Britaniyada o'tkazilgan umumiy saylovlar kasaba uyushmalari partiyalarining kuchli namoyishlari bilan ajralib tursa -da, SDLP Jamoatlar palatasidagi uchta o'rinni saqlab qolishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. 2015 yil noyabr oyida Kolum Istvud partiya yetakchisi etib tayinlandi va SDLPni 2016 yil may oyida bo'lib o'tgan Assambleyadagi saylovlarga olib keldi, unda u 12 o'ringa tushib ketdi. 2017 yil mart oyida bo'lib o'tgan navbatdan tashqari saylovda SDLP yana 12 o'rinni qo'lga kiritdi, lekin Bu safar jami nisbiy daromadni ko'rsatdi, chunki Assambleyadagi vakillik 108 o'rindan 90 taga kamaytirildi. 2017 yil iyun oyida bo'lib o'tgan Jamoatlar palatasi uchun navbatdan tashqari umumiy saylovda SDLP egallagan uchta o'rindiqdan ham mahrum bo'ldi. garchi u 2019 yil dekabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan navbatdan tashqari saylovda ikkitasini qaytargan bo'lsa.


Siyosat va tuzilish

SDP ko'p jihatdan Evropadagi sotsial demokratiyaning klassik qolipidagi partiya edi. U aralash iqtisodiyotni (xususan, "ijtimoiy bozor iqtisodiyoti" nemis kontseptsiyasini) qo'llab -quvvatladi, lekin u ham Kasb uyushmalariga sanoat sohasida nufuzli mavqe berish an'anasini rad etdi. SDP, ayniqsa, saylov islohoti, Evropaga integratsiyalashuv va Britaniya davlatini markazsizlashtirish majburiyatlarining mustahkamligi bilan ajralib turardi.

SDP o'z a'zolariga qatnashish uchun bir qator muhim rag'batlarni taqdim etdi. A'zolar mahalliy nomzodlar va partiya etakchilarini tanlashda to'g'ridan -to'g'ri tanlov rolini o'ynagan va ular partiyaning Maslahat yig'ilishi yoki Sotsial demokratiya Kengashi kabi siyosiy organlarda qatnashishi yoki vakili bo'lishi mumkin edi. Biroq, xalq ishtirokiga qarshi muvozanat sifatida, oxirgi organdan chiqadigan biron bir qaror partiya rahbarlari va parlament a'zolari ataylab tuzilgan Siyosat qo'mitasi tomonidan tasdiqlanmaguncha, rasmiy partiya siyosati bo'la olmaydi.


Sotsial -demokratik partiya platformasi

"Biz respublikani va Germaniyani Evropaning erkin hukumatlari orasida munosib o'rin egallashiga imkon beradigan siyosatni saqlashga sodiqmiz.

  1. Biz nemis yurtdoshlarimiz qalbida erkinlik, demokratiya va adolat yashashi uchun biz hozirgi Germaniya Respublikasini qo'llab -quvvatlaymiz.
  2. Dunyo oldida Germaniyaning izzati va hurmati pasaymasligi uchun biz Germaniyaning barcha siyosiy va moliyaviy majburiyatlarini bajaramiz.
  3. Jamoat ishlarining keng ko'lamli dasturini amalga oshirish orqali biz ko'proq ish o'rinlari yaratishni rejalashtirmoqdamiz.
  4. Biz olti oygacha ishsizlik uchun kompensatsiya beramiz.
  5. Biz soliqlarni pasaytirish uchun davlat xarajatlarini kamaytiramiz.
  6. Biz partiya bilan rozi bo'lmaganlarning bu masalalarda aralashishsiz gapirish va yozish huquqiga ishonamiz ".

Berlindagi Gründerzayt muzeyi ("asoschisi davri") muzeyiga tashrif buyurganlarni 1871-1914 yillar davriga qaytaradi. O'sha davrning qimmatbaho buyumlari obro'sini aks ettirishga qaratilgan. Burchak shakllari, puxta bezaklari, koptok tagliklari egilgan oyoqlari, stullar, bobosi soatlari va nometalllari ko'pincha tojga o'xshash bezaklarga ega edi.

Germaniya imperiyasining e'lon qilinishi, 150 yil oldin


Sotsial -demokratik xo'rsinish

Siyosiy institutlarning kamdan -kam tarixidan ko'ra ulug'vor tarixga ega Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, a.k.a. Germaniya sotsial -demokratik partiyasi, aka SPD. 1863 yilda tashkil topgan, u 1890 yilda hozirgi nomini qabul qilgan, shu paytgacha u ozmi -ko'pmi demokratik sotsializm ibtidosini ixtiro qilgan. Eduard Bernshteyn va Karl Kautskiy kabi rahbarlar ostida, SPD doimiy takliflar to'plamini topdi. Yaxshi va adolatli jamiyat - bu mehnat samarasini mehnat taqsimlaydigan va hayotning asosiy moddiy ehtiyojlari ijtimoiy kafolatlangan jamiyat, bu jamiyatda fikrlash, gapirish, nashr etish va tashkil etish erkinligi siyosiy jihatdan kafolatlangan. Ya'ni, "demokratiya" qismi "ijtimoiy" qismi kabi fundamentaldir. Inqilob? Bu har doim uzoq vaqtdan beri tashlab ketilgan oxirgi chora edi. Iqtisodiyot hamma manfaati uchun boshqarilishi kerak, lekin kurash tinch, konstitutsiyaviy yo'llar bilan olib borilishi kerak, hatto natijada olib borilayotgan islohotlar bosqichma -bosqich va mos bo'lsa ham.

O'tgan yuz yillik axloqiy sinovlarning ko'pini o'tkazgan SPD, nemis siyosiy partiyalari orasida yolg'iz edi. To'g'ri, bu 1914 yildagi imperiya Germaniyasining iliqlashuvi bilan kechdi (sharmandali qaror va ko'plab SPDerlar, jumladan Bernshteyn va Kautskiy, norozi). Ammo u har doim bolshevizm, natsizm va stalinizmga qarshilik ko'rsatishda qat'iyatli va jasur edi. Uning o'n minglab a'zolari va tarafdorlari fashistlar va kommunistlarning kontslagerlarida bo'lishdi. Bu yagona ahamiyatsiz nuqtalar bo'yicha rekordlari aniq bo'lgan yagona nemis partiyasi edi, shuning uchun Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan keyin nomini o'zgartirishga va noldan boshlashga majbur bo'lmagan yagona nemis partiyasi edi. Va, albatta, SPD G'arbiy Germaniya urushdan keyin aylangan demokratik, insonparvar va boy jamiyatni yaratish va mustahkamlashda muhim rol o'ynadi va muammolarga qaramay, Germaniya birlashdi.

Hech kim SPDni yakshanba kungi saylovda g'alaba qozonishini kutmagan edi. Ammo ularning mag'lubiyatining kattaligi hayratlanarli edi, agar siz ham (men kabi) sotsial -demokratik g'oyaga (sentimental, siyosiy, axloqiy, tarixiy, oilaviy va boshqa) bog'liq bo'lgan odam bo'lsangiz. SPDning yigirma uch foiz ovozi Veymar davridan beri uning eng kichik ulushi bo'lib, 2005 yildan beri o'n bir pog'onaga kamaydi. Hukumatdagi o'n bir yillik faoliyatidan so'ng-etti partiya "Yashillar partiyasi" bilan koalitsiyada katta sherik, to'rttasi-kichik sherik. Xristian demokratlar bilan "buyuk" koalitsiya - endi u muxolifatga o'tadi. Cho'lga, albatta.

SPDning saylov buzilishining sabablari ro'yxati uzun. Ulardan biri shundaki, Federativ Respublikaning sobiq to'rt partiyali tizimi besh partiyali tizimga aylandi, hozircha hech bo'lmaganda SPD uchun toksik. Mafkuraviy nuqtai nazardan, nemis elektorati deyarli yarmi markazdan chapga va yarmi o'ngdan markazga to'g'ri keladi. Ammo o'ngda faqat ikkita partiya bo'lsa va ular saylovda birlashgan bo'lsa, chapda uchta partiya bor va ulardan ikkitasi bir -birining bo'g'zida. Shunday qilib, agar yakshanba kuni markazning chap partiyalari ozgina plyuslikka erishgan bo'lsalar ham (ular markazning o'ngidagi partiyalar buni qilmagan), markaziy chap hukumat bo'lishi mumkin emas edi. natija. Faqat ikkita natija bo'lishi mumkin edi: a bir oz markazdan o'ngga hukumat (ya'ni, SPD yana bo'ysunuvchi rolda bo'lgan katta koalitsiyaning davomi) yoki a o'rta darajada o'ngdan hukumat (ya'ni, ishbilarmon, kvazilitaritar FDP, Erkin demokratik partiyasi bo'lgan CDU koalitsiyasi). Agar siz mo''tadil chap turdagi bo'lsangiz, amerikalik liberal demokratning nemis ekvivalenti bo'lsa, bu imkoniyatlarning hech biri quvontirmaydi. Ajablanarlisi shundaki, SPD kampaniyaga deyarli klinik tushkunlik holatida kirib kelgan va undan amalda katatonik chiqqan.

Chapdagi muammo - chap. Chap -Die Linke- yangi partiyaning ajoyib nomi (bu uning ikkinchi chiqishidir) eski qismlardan iborat. Uning asosi qadimgi Sharqiy Germaniya Kommunistik partiyasining vayronalari, shu jumladan sobiq Stasi maxfiy politsiyachilari va xabarchilaridan iborat. Buning ustiga sizda oltmishinchi yillar G'arbiy Germaniya qoldiqlari qoldiqlari bor-ideologlar va o'zlarini dramatik "inqilobiy" romantiklar, ularning eng yomon ko'rinishi Baader-Meinhof to'dasi edi. Keyin sobiq partiyalarining bid'atlariga, shu jumladan Afg'onistonga nemis qo'shinlarini yuborishni qo'llab-quvvatlay olmaydigan, norozi sobiq SPDerlar bor. (Chapning kanslerlikka nomzodi Oskar La Fonteyn, bir paytlar SPD tomonidan shu lavozimga nomzod bo'lgan.)

Yakshanba kuni "Chapga" ovoz bergan nemislarning 11,9 foizidan juda oz qismi-bu "Left" ning etakchilarining juda oz qismi, hatto sobiq Stasi tiplari ham-aslida kommunistlar, ular mamlakatni butun mamlakat bo'ylab o'zgartirishni xohlaydilar. sobiq Sharqiy Germaniyaning chiziqlari, ustara simlari va maxfiy politsiya, tutun tutunlari va Siyosiy byuro va devor bilan. Ba'zilar "Chapga" ovoz berish siyosati nimani anglatishini aniqladilar: ularga Sharqning o'z kelajagini belgilashga ruxsat berilmagan holda (G'arbiy) Germaniya Federativ Respublikasiga qo'shilishi yoqmaydi. Ba'zi odamlar xuddi shu sababga ko'ra chapga ovoz berishgan, chunki ular bir necha saylov oldin o'ta o'ngga ovoz berishgan bo'lishi mumkin edi, chunki ular birlashishda iqtisodiy va maqomini yo'qotdi. Va, albatta, ba'zi odamlar bu safar "Chapga" ovoz berishdi, chunki o'z mamlakatlarining Afg'oniston sarguzashtini qo'llab -quvvatlagan boshqa to'rt partiyaga qarshi norozilikni ro'yxatdan o'tkazishning boshqa usuli yo'q edi. SPD va Yashillar o'z ichiga olganidek, Germaniyaning farovonlik davlatining (uning "ijtimoiy bozori") demografik muammolarini faqat imtiyozlarni ko'paytirish va halokatga uchragan korxonalarni qo'llab -quvvatlash orqali hal qilib bo'lmaydi.


Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyingi tarix

Ishg'oldan Federativ Respublikaga

SPD 1946 yilda Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyin qayta tiklandi va barcha to'rtta ishg'ol zonasida qabul qilindi. G'arbiy Germaniyada dastlab 1949 yilda tashkil etilgan Federativ Respublikaning birinchi saylovidan 1966 yilgacha muxolifat edi. Bu partiya chap davrga ega edi va respublikaning G'arb tuzilmalariga qo'shilishiga qarshi edi, bu Germaniyaning birlashish imkoniyatini kamaytirishi mumkin deb hisoblardi.

Sovet ishg'ol sektorida, keyinchalik Sharqiy Germaniyaga aylandi, sotsial -demokratik partiya 1946 yilda Germaniya Kommunistik partiyasi bilan birlashib, Germaniya Sotsialistik Birlik Partiyasini (SED) tuzishga majbur bo'ldi. SEDni qayta nomlangan KPD sifatida tark etish. Shunga qaramay, SPDning bir necha sobiq a'zolari Sharqiy Germaniya hukumatida yuqori lavozimlarni egallagan. Otto Grotevol 1949 yildan 1964 yilgacha Sharqiy Germaniyaning birinchi bosh vaziri bo'lib ishlagan va ko'p vaqt davomida chap qanotli sotsial-demokrat nuqtai nazarini saqlab qolgan. Fridrix Ebert, sobiq prezident Ebertning o'g'li, 1949 yildan 1967 yilgacha Sharqiy Berlin meri bo'lib ishlagan, unga ko'ra, 1918 yilda unga bo'linishida otasining rolini qo'llagan holda shantaj qilingan.

1989 yilda kommunistik boshqaruv qulashi paytida, SPD (SDP deb nomlangan) Sharqiy Germaniyada alohida partiya sifatida qayta tiklandi (GDRda sotsial-demokratik partiya), SED dumidan mustaqil, keyin G'arbiy Germaniya hamkasbi bilan birlashdi. qayta birlashganda.

Urushdan keyingi davrning ko'p qismida o'z lavozimida qolmaganiga qaramay, SPD bir qator mahalliy hukumatlar ustidan nazoratni qo'lga kiritishga va progressiv ijtimoiy islohotlarni amalga oshirishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Manfred Shmidt ta'kidlaganidek, SPD tomonidan boshqariladigan Lander hukumatlari ijtimoiy sohada faolroq edilar va CDU/CSU tomonidan boshqariladigan Landerga qaraganda jamoat bandligi va ta'limga ko'proq mablag 'o'tkazdilar. [35] Oltmishinchi yillarning o'rtalarida, asosan, SPD tomonidan boshqariladigan Lander, masalan, Gessa va uchta shahar-davlatlar, ta'lim imkoniyatlarini kengaytirish vositasi sifatida umumta'lim maktablari bilan birinchi tajribalarni boshladilar. [36] SDP mahalliy hukumatlari G'arbiy Germaniyada urushdan keyingi uy-joy qurilishini rag'batlantirishda faol ishtirok etishdi, bu davrda G'arbiy Berlin, Gamburg va Bremen kabi SPD nazoratidagi Lander hokimiyati tomonidan uy-joy qurilishida eng yaxshi natijalarga erishildi. [28] Bundestagda SPD muxolifati qisman Adenauer ma'muriyati huzuridagi urushdan keyingi farovonlik davlatini tashkil etish uchun mas'ul bo'lgan va CDU o'z vakolat muddati davomida yanada ilg'or ijtimoiy siyosat olib borishi uchun parlament bosimini o'tkazgan. [37]

Bundestagda SPD "konstruktiv muxolifat" bo'lishga intildi, bu o'zini nafaqat Bundestagning birinchi parlament davrida kiritilgan yangi qonun hujjatlarini ishlab chiqishda muhim rol o'ynaganligini, balki. barcha qonunlarning eng katta qismi SDP a'zolarining ovozlari bilan qabul qilingan. SPD milliy pensiya sxemasini isloh qilish, qochqinlarni birlashtirish va davlat sektori uy-joylarini qurish to'g'risidagi qonun hujjatlarida muhim rol o'ynadi. SPD, shuningdek, "prokuror Adolf Arndt bilan sud siyosatida, Federal Konstitutsiyaviy sud to'g'risidagi parlament qarorida va milliy sotsializm qurbonlari uchun tovon to'lashda" yuqori obro'ga ega edi. 1951 yilda po'lat, temir va tog'-kon sanoati xodimlari uchun "birgalikda belgilash" huquqi to'g'risidagi qonun SPD va CDU qo'shma ovozlari bilan va FDP ovozlariga qarshi qabul qilindi. [4]

1966 yildan 1982 yilgacha boshqaruv partiyasi

1966 yilda Xristian Demokratik Ittifoqi (CDU) va Liberal Erkin Demokratik Partiyasi (FDP) koalitsiyasi quladi va CDU/CSU va SPD o'rtasida katta koalitsiya CDU kansleri Kiesinger boshchiligida tuzildi. Farovonlik davlati ancha kengaytirildi, [38] 1969-1975 yillar mobaynida ijtimoiy xarajatlar deyarli ikki barobarga oshdi. [39] SPDning uzoq talablariga javob beradigan daromadlarni saqlash sxemalariga o'zgartirishlar kiritildi [40] va boshqa ko'plab ijtimoiy islohotlar. oq va ko'k yoqali xodimlar o'rtasidagi ish haqi va ish haqini tenglashtirish, ish haqi va ish haqini to'lashni davom ettirish, bandlikni rag'batlantirish to'g'risidagi qonun va kasbga o'qitish to'g'risidagi qonun kiritildi. Garchi bu choralar asosan CDU vaziri Xans Katserning sa'y -harakatlari tufayli bo'lgan bo'lsa -da, u hech qachon SPDsiz o'z dasturini kabinetdan o'tkaza olmagan bo'lardi, deb aytish mumkin. [41]

1969 yildagi SPD tomonidan tayyorlangan taklifga asoslangan 1969 yilda ishga joylashishni rag'batlantirish to'g'risidagi qonun [42] ish bilan ta'minlash tadqiqotlari kabi mehnat bozoriga faol aralashuv choralarini o'rnatdi [43] va "ta'lim olish istagi bo'lgan xodimlarga davlat tomonidan katta yordam" ni taklif qildi. [44] SPD Iqtisodiyot vaziri Karl Shiller boshchiligida federal hukumat birinchi marta Keynslik talabni boshqarishni qabul qildi. Shiller o'z vazirligiga ham, federal hukumatga ham iqtisodiy siyosatni boshqarishda katta vakolat beradigan qonunlarni qabul qilishga chaqirdi. [45] 1967 yilda Shiller Barqarorlik va o'sishni rag'batlantirish to'g'risidagi qonunni [46] kiritdi, keyinchalik Bundestag tomonidan qabul qilindi. O'rta muddatli iqtisodiy menejmentning Magna kartasi sifatida qonun hujjatlarida fiskal siyosatga kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatish uchun federal, Lander va mahalliy byudjet rejalarini muvofiqlashtirish ko'zda tutilgan. Shuningdek, u G'arbiy Germaniyaning iqtisodiy muvaffaqiyati o'lchanadigan to'rtta asosiy standartlar bo'yicha bir qator optimistik maqsadlarni belgilab berdi, ular savdo balansi, bandlik darajasi, iqtisodiy o'sish va valyuta barqarorligini o'z ichiga oladi. [45]

O'sha davrdagi kamdan -kam uchraydigan nemis keynschilaridan biri, Shillerning fikricha, hukumat "iqtisodiy tendentsiyalarni shakllantirish, biznes tsiklini yumshatish va hatto yo'q qilish majburiyatiga ham, imkoniyatiga ham ega". G'arbiy Germaniya 1966/67 yillardagi iqtisodiy tanazzulni yengish uchun. [47] Ishsizlik tezlik bilan kamaytirildi (1968 yil kuziga kelib 1% ga yaqin), sanoat mahsuloti esa 1968 yilda deyarli 12% ga oshdi. Shiller rahbarligida Buyuk Koalitsiya tomonidan olib borilgan muvaffaqiyatli iqtisodiy va moliyaviy siyosat ham yordam berdi. tadbirkorlar va kasaba uyushmalarini "kelishilgan harakatlar" dasturini qabul qilishga ko'ndirish. [4] Lisanne Radis va Geyls Radisning so'zlariga ko'ra, "kelishilgan harakat" rasmiy daromad siyosati emas, lekin shunga qaramay, "iqtisodiyotning yo'nalishi va to'liq bandlik o'rtasidagi munosabatlar to'g'risida umumiy kelishilgan nuqtai nazardan" jamoaviy bitimlar tuzilishini ta'minlagan. , ishlab chiqarish va inflyatsiya ». [48] ​​Bundan tashqari, Shillerning iqtisodiy siyosati nafaqat G'arbiy Germaniyaning iqtisodiy o'sishini tiklashda muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi, balki SPDning iqtisodiy salohiyatini ham namoyish etdi va bu, shubhasiz, 1969 yildagi federal saylovda SPDning g'alabasida katta rol o'ynadi.

1969 yilda SPD 1928 yildan beri birinchi marta FDP bilan ijtimoiy-liberal koalitsiya tuzish orqali ko'pchilikni qo'lga kiritdi va federal hukumatni 1969 yildan 1982 yilgacha kantsler Villi Brandt va Xelmut Shmidt boshqargan. 1959 yildagi Godesberg dasturida SPD rasman tark etilgan. Ishchilar partiyasi kontseptsiyasi va marksistik tamoyillar, shu bilan birga ijtimoiy farovonlik ta'minlanishini ta'kidlab o'tdi. Garchi SPD dastlab G'arbiy Germaniyaning 1955 yilda qayta qurollanishiga va NATOga kirishiga qarshi bo'lgan bo'lsa -da, betaraflik va Sharqiy Germaniya bilan birlashishni yoqlagan bo'lsa -da, hozir Germaniyaning ittifoq bilan aloqalarini qattiq qo'llab -quvvatlaydi.

Ijtimoiy-liberal koalitsiya doirasida keng ko'lamli islohotlar amalga oshirildi, shu jumladan, bitta tarixiy tadqiqot natijalariga ko'ra

sog'liqni saqlash va baxtsiz hodisalardan sug'urtalashni yaxshilash, ishsizlik bo'yicha kompensatsiyani yaxshilash, ijara haqini nazorat qilish, bolali oilalarga to'lovlar, jamg'armalar va investitsiyalarni rag'batlantirish uchun subsidiyalar va ish joyidagi kasalliklarga tibbiy yordam ko'rsatish kabi "ish dunyosini insonparvarlashtirish" choralari. shikastlanishlar va ish muhitini yaxshilash. [49]

SDP-FDP koalitsiyasi davrida G'arbiy Germaniyada ijtimoiy siyosat yanada tenglik kasb etdi va ilgari e'tibordan chetda qolgan va kam ta'minlangan guruhlarning istiqbolini yaxshilash uchun bir qator muhim islohotlar amalga oshirildi. [50] Yolg'iz ota -onalar, katta oilalar va kam maosh oluvchilarni qo'llab -quvvatlash siyosatiga katta e'tibor qaratildi va pensionerlar va nogironlarga beriladigan ijtimoiy nafaqalar yanada yaxshilandi. Ishlab chiqarish sohasidagi erkaklarning o'rtacha yalpi daromadiga nisbatan ijtimoiy yordam stavkalari (ijara haqidan tashqari), sotsial-liberal koalitsiya davrida [51] ko'tarildi, shu bilan birga, ijtimoiy ta'minot ta'minoti ancha kengaytirildi, pensiya va sog'liqni saqlash ta'minlandi. aholining katta qatlamlari. [52] Bu, o'z navbatida, ijtimoiy byudjetning hajmi va xarajatlarini sezilarli darajada oshirdi, chunki 70 -yillarning ko'plarida ijtimoiy dastur xarajatlari yiliga 10% dan oshdi. [52] Davlat xarajatlari YaIMga nisbatan foiz sifatida SPD-FDP koalitsiyasi sharoitida sezilarli darajada oshdi, 1969 yildagi 39% dan 1982 yilga kelib 50% atrofida. [53] 1970-1981 yillar mobaynida YaIMning ulushi sifatida ijtimoiy xarajatlar 21,4% ga oshdi. va yalpi ichki mahsulotning ulushi bo'yicha 1970 yildagi 25,7% dan 1981 yildagi 31,2% gacha ko'tarildi. [49] SDP-FDP koalitsiyasining birinchi besh yillik faoliyati davomida ko'pgina ishlar ijtimoiy islohotlar yo'li bilan amalga oshirildi. "1969 yildan 1974 yilgacha bo'lgan davr ijtimoiy siyosatning bir bosqichi bo'lib, unda davlat yangi minimal imtiyozlar va mavjudlarini uzaytirdi". [54]

1970 yil aprel oyida hukumat nogironlarni reabilitatsiyasini rag'batlantirish bo'yicha Harakatlar dasturini tuzdi. [55] O'sha yili uy -joy to'lovlarini uzaytirish va ko'paytirish (1970 yilda qabul qilingan), kasb -hunar ta'limini rag'batlantirishni kengaytirish va standartlashtirish (1971 yilda qabul qilingan), urush qurbonlari uchun pensiyalarni avtomatik tarzda indeksatsiya qilish (1970 yilda qabul qilingan) bo'yicha qonun loyihalari ishlab chiqilgan. , oilaviy nafaqalarni ko'paytirish (1970 yilda qabul qilingan) va "do'kon qoidalarini" isloh qilish (1972 yilda kuchga kirgan). 1974 yilda ish beruvchilar to'lovga layoqatsiz bo'lganda ish bilan band bo'lganlar uchun bankrotlik nafaqasi joriy etildi. Baxtsiz hodisalardan sug'urtalashning rivojlanishi maktab o'quvchilari, talabalar va bolalarni bolalar bog'chasiga qamrab oldi va shu tariqa baxtsiz hodisalarning oldini olish bo'yicha keng ko'lamli choralarni ko'rdi. Bundan tashqari, qishloq xo'jaligidagi baxtsiz hodisalardan sug'urtalashning yangi xizmati sifatida fermer va uy xo'jaliklariga yordam berish joriy etildi. Pensiya islohotlari to'g'risidagi asosiy qonun pensiya sug'urtasi imkoniyatlarini kengaytirib, badallarni qaytarish uchun keng imkoniyatlar yaratdi, ayni paytda to'langan pensiyalarni o'zgartirish 6 oyga uzaytirildi. 1974 yilgi "Qayta tiklash va assimilyatsiya qilish to'g'risida" gi qonun nogironlarga beriladigan nafaqalarni takomillashtirdi va standartlashtirdi, o'sha yili qishloq va o'rmon xo'jaligida band bo'lganlar uchun qo'shimcha yordam fondini tashkil etish to'g'risida qonun qabul qilindi. 1974 yildagi "Ishlarning qarilik sxemalarini takomillashtirish to'g'risida" gi qonuni mehnat pensiyalarining belgilangan muddatlarini shartli ravishda o'tkazib yubormaslikni, shuningdek, ijtimoiy sug'urta pensiyalarining ko'payishi hisobiga mehnat pensiyalarini qisqartirishni taqiqlashni nazarda tutgan. [10] Bundan tashqari, fuqarolik va iste'molchilar huquqlari [56] atrof -muhit, [57] ta'lim, [58] va shaharlarni yangilash [59] [60] kabi sohalarda bir qator islohotlar amalga oshirildi. 1972 yilda pensiya islohoti to'g'risidagi qonun qabul qilindi, bir tarixiy tadqiqotga ko'ra, ishchilar "moddiy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelmasligini va nafaqaga chiqqanidan keyin munosib turmush darajasini saqlab qolishini" ta'minlagan. [61] 1973 yilda kasallik bo'yicha nafaqalar ota -onasi kasal bolaga g'amxo'rlik qilishi kerak bo'lgan hollarda mavjud bo'ldi. [62]

1974 yil aprel oyidagi qonunga binoan, urush yoki ishlab chiqarishdagi baxtsiz hodisalar qurbonlariga kasbiy va ijtimoiy reintegratsiya qilish uchun berilgan himoya, nogironlik sabablari qanday bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, barcha nogironlarga, agar ularning mehnatga layoqati bo'lsa, berildi. kamida 50%ga kamayadi. O'sha yilning avgust oyida qabul qilingan yana bir qonun, bu himoyani qo'shimcha qilib, bundan buyon tibbiy va kasbiy reabilitatsiya qilish uchun barcha manfaatdor shaxslar toifalari uchun bir xil bo'ladi: urush qurbonlari, kasallar, ishlab chiqarishdagi baxtsiz hodisalar qurbonlari. , tug'ma nogironlar, jami 4 millionga yaqin odam. Bundan tashqari, bunday kishilarga ijtimoiy ta'minotning barcha sohalarida yordam berish uchun avvalgi yalpi ish haqining 80% ekvivalentiga mos keladigan nafaqa shaklidagi yangi imtiyoz joriy etildi va bu shaxs tegishli bo'lgan vaqt oralig'ida berilishi kerak edi. ishni to'xtatishga majbur bo'ladi va u ishni davom ettiradigan vaqt. 1974 yil iyun oyida Federal Parlament tomonidan qabul qilingan kasanachilar to'g'risidagi qonun, uy sharoitida ishlaydigan 300 mingga yaqin odamning ish sharoitlarini quyidagi chora-tadbirlar yordamida modernizatsiya qilishga intildi: [63]

• Ish beruvchilar o'z kasanachilariga hisob-kitob usuli va ish haqi tarkibi to'g'risida xabar berishlari shart edi.

• Ish xavfsizligini oshirish uchun ish beruvchi baxtsiz hodisalar va sog'liq uchun xavflarni tushuntirishga majbur edi.

• Endi kasanachilarga aktivlarning shakllanishiga hissa qo'shish imkoniyati berildi.

• Ishdan bo'shatishdan himoya muddati uzaytirildi. Ishchi ishlagan vaqtiga qarab tugatiladigan ogohlantirish muddatlari sezilarli darajada oshirildi. Bundan tashqari, ogohlantirish davrida to'lov kafolati birlashtirildi.

• Sanoatdagi bir xil yoki unga tenglashtirilgan ish uchun kelishilgan ish haqi avvalgidan ko'ra ko'proq ishlatiladi, chunki kasanachilarning ish haqi oshadi.

• Qonun uydagi ofis ishlariga ham taalluqli bo'lib, u tobora muhim va ahamiyatli bo'lib bordi.

Yigirma yetti yoshgacha bo'lgan bolalar uchun nafaqalar, pensiya yoshining moslashuvchanligi, yangi turmush qurganlar va oilalar to'g'risidagi qonun hujjatlari, nogironligi bo'lgan shaxslarni birgalikda belgilash, reabilitatsiya qilish va maxsus ishga joylashish huquqlari bilan birga joriy etildi. , urush qurbonlari pensiyalarini o'zgartirish va oshirish, bolalar nafaqasini qayta ko'rib chiqish, yoshlarning bandligini himoya qilish to'g'risidagi yangi qonun, fermerlarni tibbiy sug'urta qilish, o'z-o'zini ish bilan ta'minlaydiganlar uchun pensiya sxemalari va kafolatlangan ish pensiyalari. Garchi ijtimoiy farovonlik davlatining printsipi G'arbiy Germaniya konstitutsiyasida mustahkamlangan bo'lsa va bu majburiyatni bajarish uchun qonunlar va choralar (ko'pincha CDU/CSU koalitsiyasi sheriklari va SPD tomonidan birgalikda) qabul qilingan bo'lsa -da, faqat SPD hokimiyat tepasiga kelganida edi. Bonnda, ijtimoiy ta'minot tizimining qoidalari "boshqa bir qancha davlatlar teng keladigan darajaga yetdi". [4] 1975 yilda uchta soliq darajasi joriy qilindi, bu daromad darajasi past bo'lgan ko'plab odamlarni soliq tizimidan olib tashladi va bolalar nafaqasi to'lovlarini oshirdi. [64]

Sotsial-liberal koalitsiya hukmronligi davrida sog'liqni saqlash va qamrab olish sohasida ham turli yaxshilanishlar amalga oshirildi. In 1974, domestic aid during in-patient or in-patient cures was established, sick pay to compensate for wages lost while caring for a child was introduced, and the time-limit to in-patient care was removed. That same year, the cover of rehabilitation services was increased, together with the cover of dental and orthodontic services. [65] Health insurance coverage was extended to self-employed agricultural workers in 1972, and to students and the disabled in 1975. [66] in 1971, an International Transactions Tax Law was passed. [67]

In 1974, a number of amendments were made to the Federal Social Assistance Act. "Help for the vulnerable" was renamed "help for overcoming particular social difficulties," and the number of people eligible for assistance was greatly extended to include all those "whose own capabilities cannot meet the increasing demands of modern industrial society." The intention of these amendments was to include especially such groups as discharged prisoners, drug and narcotic addicts, alcoholics, and the homeless. [68] Under the SPD, people who formerly had to be supported by their relatives became entitled to social assistance. [69]

A number of liberal social reforms in areas like censorship, [70] homosexuality, [47] divorce, education, and worker participation in company management were introduced, [71] whilst social security benefits were significantly increased. Increases were made in unemployment benefits, [72] while substantial improvements in benefits were made for farmers, students, war invalids, the sick, families with many children, women, and pensioners between 1970 and 1975, which led to a doubling of benefit and social security payments during that period. [73] By 1979, old age and survivors’ benefits were 53% higher in real terms than in 1970, while family benefits were 95% higher. [50]

The Second Sickness Insurance Modification Law linked the indexation of the income-limit for compulsory employee coverage to the development of the pension insurance contribution ceiling (75% of the ceiling), obliged employers to pay half of the contributions in the case of voluntary membership, extended the criteria for voluntary membership of employees, and introduced preventive medical check-ups for certain groups. The Law on Sickness Insurance for Farmers (1972) included the self-employed, their dependants and people who receive old age assistance in sickness insurance. The Law on the Social Insurance of Disabled Persons (1975) included in sickness and pension insurance disabled persons employed in workshops and institutions under certain conditions, while a law was passed in June that year to include all students in statutory sickness insurance. [10] Social protection against the risks of an occupational accident, death, disability, and old age was newly regulated in 1974 through a Civil Servant Provisioning Law that was standard throughout the country. [74]

Educational reforms were introduced which led to the setting up of new colleges and universities, much greater access for young people to the universities, increased provision for pre-school education, and a limited number of comprehensive schools. [75] An educational law of 1971 providing postgraduate support provided highly qualified graduates with the opportunity “to earn their doctorates or undertake research studies.” [76]

A more active regional and industrial policy was pursued, [48] tighter rules against dismissal were introduced, [77] day care was introduced for children between the ages of three and six, [78] spending on dental services, drugs, and appliances was increased, [79] environmental protection legislation was passed, [80] expenditure on education at all levels was increased, [81] a tax reform bill was passed, lowering the tax burden for low-income and middle-income groups, [82] the average age of entry into the workforce was increased, working time was reduced, social assistance and unemployment compensation were made more generous, early-retirement options were introduced, and municipalities received more generous federal grants to expand social infrastructure such as conference halls, sports facilities and public swimming pools. [53]

Various measures were introduced to improve environmental conditions and to safeguard the environment, [83] the Federal Emission Control Law established the basis for taking of legal action against those responsible for excessive noise and air pollution, the Works’ Constitution Act and Personnel Representation Act strengthened the position of individual employees in offices and factories, and the Works’ Safety Law required firms to employ safety specialists and doctors. [84] An amendment to the Labour Management Act (1971) granted workers co-determination on the shop floor [85] while the new Factory Management Law (1972) extended co-determination at the factory level. [48] This Act acknowledged for the first time the presence of trade unions in the workplace, expanded the means of action of the works councils, and improved their work basics as well as those of the youth councils. [86] A law was passed in 1974 allowing for worker representation on the boards of large firms, although this change was not enacted until 1976, after alterations were made. [87] In 1974, redundancy allowances in cases of bankruptcies were introduced. The Federal Law on Personnel Representation, which came into force in April 1974, gave increased co-management rights to those employed in factories and offices in the public sector. The staff councils were given an increased say in social and personal matters, together with a wider operational basis for their activities in connection with day release and training opportunities. The arrangements governing cooperation between the staff councils and the trade union were also improved. Young workers were given increased rights of representation, while foreign workers received voting rights and thus achieved equality in this respect with German employees. [63]

A new federal scale of charges for hospital treatment and a law on hospital financing were introduced to improve hospital treatment, the Hire Purchase Act entitled purchasers to withdraw from their contracts within a certain time limit, compensation for victims of violent acts became guaranteed by law, the Federal Criminal Investigation Office became a modern crime-fighting organisation, and the Federal Education Promotion Act was extended to include large groups of pupils attending vocational schools. [88] In 1973, the minimum statutory retirement age was reduced from 65 to 63, while “flexible” retirement was provided for those between the ages of 63 and 67. [89] In 1974, a federal law was passed that obliged television stations to spend certain amounts of money each year to sponsor productions by independent film companies. [90]

A law to improve the system of sickness benefits provided that those insured would receive compensation when obliged to stay at home to care for a sick child and thereby incurring a loss of income. An insured person could request unpaid leave of absence on such occasions. The same law established the right to a home help, to be paid for by the health service, where the parents are in hospital or undergoing treatment, provided that the household included a child under 8 or a handicapped child required special care. [91] [92] The SPD-FDP coalition’s time in office also saw a considerable expansion in the number of childcare places for three- to six-year-old children, with the number of facilities rising from 17,493 in 1970 to 23,938 in 1980, and the number of places from 1,160,700 to 1,392,500 during that same period. [93] Subsidies for day care rose between 1970 and 1980, but fell between 1980 and 1983. [94]

In the field of housing, Brandt stated that the aims of the SPD-FDP government were improving housing benefit, developing a long-term programme of social housing construction, and to increase owner-occupation. As noted by Mark Kleinman, this led to a boom in housing construction, with output peaking at 714,000 in 1973 before falling to under 400,000 in 1976. [95]

A Federal Education Grants Act was also introduced, which opened up better chances of higher education for low-income children. [4] In addition, labor-protection and anti-trust laws were significantly strengthened, while from 1969 to 1975 alone some 140 laws were passed that entitled various socially disadvantaged groups to tax subsidies. [96] During the mid-Seventies recession, eligibility for short-term unemployment benefits was extended from 6 to 12 months, and to 24 months in some cases. [97] Active Labour Market Policies were substantially expanded, with the number of people benefiting from such schemes increasing from 1,600 in 1970 to 648,000 by 1975. [98] In addition, the SPD-FDP government gave more priority to raising minimum housing standards. [99] The Law on Nursing Homes and Homes for the Elderly (1974) sought to guarantee minimum standards in an important area of social services, [100] while the Beratungshilfegesetz (Legal Advice Act) of 1980 [101] strengthened the position of the indigent in need of out of court legal advice and representation. [102] The Maternity Leave Act of 1979 permitted mothers in work to take leave of 6 months after the birth of a child, granted a maternity allowance, and safeguarded jobs for 8 months. [103]

Wage rates also rose significantly under the coalition, as characterised by a 60% real increase in the hourly wages of manufacturing sector employees between 1970 and 1980. [53] In addition, educational opportunities were significantly widened as a result of policies such as the introduction of free higher education, [53] the raising of the school-leaving age to 16, [48] increased expenditure on education at all levels, [28] and the introduction of a generous student stipend system. [53] Although the coalition failed to restructure the education system along comprehensive lines, the cumulative impact of its educational reforms was such that according to Helmut Becker (an authoritative commentator on German education), there was greater achievement at all levels and the chances of a twenty-year-old working-class child born in 1958 going to college or university was approximately six times greater than a similar child born ten years earlier. [48]

In summarising the domestic reforms introduced by the SPD-FDP coalition, historian Reiner Pommerin noted that

“There were few difficulties with the wave of domestic reforms, which the SPD-led coalitions initiated. In fact, the SPD’s domestic reform program was often compared with contemporary American developments, like such as civil rights movement and the Great Society” . [104]

As noted further by Henrich Potthoff and Susanne Miller, in their evaluation of the record of the SPD-FDP coalition,

“Ostpolitik and detente, the extension of the welfare safety net, and a greater degree of social liberality were the fruits of Social Democratic government during this period which served as a pointer to the future and increased the respect in which the federal republic was held, both in Europe and throughout the world.” [4]

In 1982 the SPD lost power to the new CDU/CSU-FDP coalition under CDU Chancellor Helmut Kohl who subsequently won four terms as chancellor. The Social Democrats were unanimous about the armament and environmental questions of that time, and the new party The Greens was not ready for a coalition government then.

Kohl lost his last re-election bid in 1998 to his SPD challenger Gerhard Schröder, as the SPD formed a red-green coalition with The Greens to take control of the German federal government for the first time in 16 years.

Schröder government 1998-2005

Led by Gerhard Schröder on a moderate platform emphasizing the need to reduce unemployment, the SPD emerged as the strongest party in the September 1998 elections with 40.9% of the votes cast. Crucial for this success was the SPD's strong base in big cities and Bundesländer with traditional industries. Forming a coalition government with the Green Party, the SPD thus returned to power for the first time since 1982.

Lower Saxony and was widely believed to be the best chance for Social Democrats to regain the Chancellorship after 16 years in opposition. From the beginning of this teaming up between Party chair Lafontaine and chancellor candidate Schröder during the election campaign 1998, rumors in the media about their internal rivalry persisted, albeit always being disputed by the two. After the election victory Lafontaine joined the government as finance minister. The rivalry between the two party leaders escalated in March 1999 leading to the overnight resignation of Lafontaine from all his party and government positions. After staying initially mum about the reasons for his resignation, Lafontaine later cited strong disagreement with the alleged neoliberal and anti-social course Schröder had taken the government on. Schröder himself has never commented on the row with Lafontaine. It is known however, that they haven't spoken to each other ever since. Schröder succeeded Lafontaine as party chairman.

A number of progressive measures were introduced by the Schröder Administration during its first term in office. The parental leave scheme was improved, with full-time working parents legally entitled to reduce their working hours from 2001 onwards, while the child allowance was considerably increased, from 112 euros per month in 1998 to 154 euros in 2002. [105] Housing allowances were also increased, while a number of decisions by the Kohl Government concerning social policy and the labour market were overturned, as characterised by the reversal of retrenchments in health policy and pension policy. [106]

Changes introduced by the Kohl government on pensions, the continued payment of wages in the case of sickness, and wrongful dismissal were all rescinded. [4] In 1999, for instance, the wage replacement rate for sick pay (which was reduced from 100% to 80% of earnings under the previous Kohl Government) was restored to 100%. [107] A programme on combating youth unemployment was introduced, together new measures designed to out a stop to those designating themselves as “self-employed” for tax purposes, and new regulations on 630-DM jobs, which were subject for the first time to national insurance contributions. Tax reforms brought relief to people on low-incomes and benefited families, while a second pillar was added to the pension system which relied on self-provision for retirement. [4]

In the September 2002 elections, the SPD reached 38.5% of the national vote, barely ahead of the CDU/CSU, and was again able to form a government with the help of The Greens. The European elections of 2004 were a disaster for the SPD, marking its worst result in a nationwide election after World War II with only 21.5% of the vote. Earlier the same year, leadership of the SPD had changed from chancellor Gerhard Schröder to Franz Müntefering, in what was widely regarded as an attempt to deal with internal party opposition to the economic reform programs set in motion by the federal government.

While the SPD was founded in the 19th century to defend the interests of the working class, its commitment to these goals has been disputed by some since 1918, when its leaders supported the suppression of more radical socialist and communist factions during the Spartacist Uprising. But never before has the party moved so far away from its traditional socialist stance as it did under the Schröder government. Its ever increasing tendency towards liberal economic policies and cutbacks in government spending on social welfare programs led to a dramatic decline in voter support. The Schroeder Administration presided over a significant rise in poverty and inequality, with the percentage of Germans living in poverty, according to one measure, rising from 12% in 2000 to 16.5% in 2006. [108]

Welfare cuts, which affected mainly the SPD’s clientele, led to disillusionment amongst supporters and precipitated a fall in party membership. [4] For many years, membership in the SPD had been declining. Down from a high of over 1 million in 1976, there were about 775,000 members at the time of the 1998 election victory, and by February 2008, the figure had dropped to 537,995. By early 2009, membership figures had fallen behind the ones of the CDU for the first time ever.

In January 2005, some SPD members left the party to found the Labour and Social Justice – The Electoral Alternative (WASG) in opposition to what they consider to be neoliberal leanings displayed by the SPD. Former SPD chairman Oskar Lafontaine also joined this new party. (Later, to contest the early federal election called by Schröder after the SPD lost heavily in a state election in their traditional stronghold of North Rhine-Westphalia, the western-based WASG and the eastern-based post-communist Party of Democratic Socialism would merge to form The Left Party, (Die Linke.) These developments put pressure on the SPD to do something about its social image.

In April 2005, party chairman Franz Müntefering publicly criticized excessive profiteering in Germany's market economy and proposed stronger involvement of the federal state in order to promote economic justice. This triggered a debate that dominated the national news for several weeks. Müntefering's suggestions have been met with popular support, but there has also been harsh criticism not only by the industrial lobby. Political opponents claimed that Müntefering's choice of words, especially his reference to private equity funds as “locusts”, were bordering on Nazi language.

In the German federal election, 2005, the SPD ended up trailing its rivals by less than 1%, a much closer margin than had been expected. Although the party had presented a program that included some more traditional left themes, such as an additional 3% tax on the highest tax bracket, this did not prevent the Left Party from making a strong showing, largely at the SPD's expense. Nevertheless, the overall result was sufficient to deny the opposition camp a majority.


Ijtimoiy Havfsizlik

Afsonalar va noto'g'ri ma'lumotlar ko'pincha Internetda, elektron pochta va veb -saytlarda tarqaladi va noto'g'ri ma'lumotlarning cheksiz halqalarida takrorlanadi. One common set of such misinformation involves a series of questions about the history of the Social Security system.

One Common Form of the Questions:

Q1: Which political party took Social Security from the independent trust fund and put it into the general fund so that Congress could spend it?

Q2: Which political party eliminated the income tax deduction for Social Security (FICA) withholding?

Q3: Which political party started taxing Social Security annuities?

Q4: Which political party increased the taxes on Social Security annuities?

Q5: Which political party decided to start giving annuity payments to immigrants?


THE CORRECT ANSWERS TO THE FIVE QUESTIONS

Q1. Which political party took Social Security from the independent trust fund and put it into the general fund so that Congress could spend it?

A1: There has never been any change in the way the Social Security program is financed or the way that Social Security payroll taxes are used by the federal government. Ijtimoiy xavfsizlik bo'yicha ishonch jamg'armasi 1939 yilda o'sha yili qabul qilingan o'zgartirishlar doirasida tashkil etilgan. Ishonch jamg'armasi tashkil etilganidan buyon har doim bir xil ishlagan. Ijtimoiy kafolatlar jamg'armasi hech qachon hukumatning umumiy fondiga kirmagan

Most likely this question comes from a confusion between the financing of the Social Security program and the way the Social Security Trust Fund is treated in federal budget accounting. 1969 yildan boshlab (Jonson ma'muriyatining 1968 yildagi harakatlari tufayli) Trast fondiga o'tkazilgan bitimlar "birlashtirilgan byudjet" ga kiritildi. Bu ba'zida "Ijtimoiy sug'urta maqsadli jamg'armalari byudjetdir" deyish bilan tavsiflanadi. "Ijtimoiy sug'urta maqsadli jamg'armasining byudjetdan o'tkazilishi 1990 yilga qadar davom etdi. Ishonchli jamg'armalar qayta olingan paytdan boshlab"-bu byudjet. federal byudjetda alohida hisob. But whether the Trust Funds are "on-budget" or "off-budget" is primarily a question of accounting practices--it has no effect on the actual operations of the Trust Fund itself.

Q2: Which political party eliminated the income tax deduction for Social Security (FICA) withholding?

A2: Hech qachon xodimlar tomonidan to'lanadigan Ijtimoiy sug'urta solig'i daromad solig'i maqsadlari uchun chegirib tashlanadigan qonun qoidalari bo'lmagan. Darhaqiqat, 1935 yilgi qonun VIII sarlavhaning 803 -bo'limida bu fikrni qat'iyan man qilgan.

(VIII sarlavhaning matni bilan saytimizning boshqa joylarida tanishish mumkin.)

3 -chorak. Which political party started taxing Social Security annuities?

A3. The taxation of Social Security began in 1984 following passage of a set of Amendments in 1983, which were signed into law by President Reagan in April 1983. These amendments passed the Congress in 1983 on an overwhelmingly bi-partisan vote.

The basic rule put in place was that up to 50% of Social Security benefits could be added to taxable income, if the taxpayer's total income exceeded certain thresholds.

The taxation of benefits was a proposal which came from the Greenspan Commission appointed by President Reagan and chaired by Alan Greenspan (who went on to later become the Chairman of the Federal Reserve).

The full text of the Greenspan Commission report is available on our website.

President's Reagan's signing statement for the 1983 Amendments can also be found on our website.

A detailed explanation of the provisions of the 1983 law is also available on the website.

Q4. Which political party increased the taxes on Social Security annuities?

A4. In 1993, legislation was enacted which had the effect of increasing the tax put in place under the 1983 law. It raised from 50% to 85% the portion of Social Security benefits subject to taxation but the increased percentage only applied to "higher income" beneficiaries. Beneficiaries of modest incomes might still be subject to the 50% rate, or to no taxation at all, depending on their overall taxable income.

This change in the tax rate was one provision in a massive Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act (OBRA) passed that year. The OBRA 1993 legislation was deadlocked in the Senate on a tie vote of 50-50 and Vice President Al Gore cast the deciding vote in favor of passage. President Clinton signed the bill into law on August 10, 1993.

(You can find a brief historical summary of the development of taxation of Social Security benefits on the Social Security website.)

Q5. Which political party decided to start giving annuity payments to immigrants?

A5. Neither immigrants nor anyone else is able to collect Social Security benefits without someone paying Social Security payroll taxes into the system. The conditions under which Social Security benefits are payable, and to whom, can be found in the pamphlets available on our website.

The question confuses the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program with Social Security. SSI is a federal welfare program and no contributions, from immigrants or citizens or anyone else, is required for eligibility. Under certain conditions, immigrants can qualify for SSI benefits. The SSI program was an initiative of the Nixon Administration and was signed into law by President Nixon on October 30, 1972.

An explanation of the basics of Social Security, and the distinction between Social Security and SSI, can be found on the Social Security website.


Ideology and Factions

The SDP was initially founded in 1888 as a Marxist party. However in 1911 the party renounced Marxism and adopted a democratic socialist manifesto. Under the leadership of Harry Wainwright (1918-1933) the party abandoned most radical socialist rhetoric in favour of social reform, and indeed when the SDP formed a government in 1929 they did not embark on a widespread programme of nationalisation.

The post war Holt government did go through with a major nationalisation programme, bringing the railways, coal, steel, water and energy industries under central government control.

The Brown government in the 1960s and 1970s focused on social reform, and enhancing the welfare system rather than nationalisation, although did bring several failing companies under government ownership in order to save them from bankruptcy.

In the 1980s under James Newton the SDP endorsed elements of classical liberalism, deregulating the financial sector. The 1981 Sheffield Declaration saw the Social Democrats renounce nationalisation.


The Social Democratic Party is a self described social-democratic and progressive political party, and seeks to achieve social justice within the framework of a free market economy. The Social Democrats are socially liberal. On Foreign Affairs the Social Democrats support continued English membership of the European Community.

Factions

Currently the internal politics of the SDP is dominated by four major factions:

The Progressive Alliance representing the 'soft left' of the party, with a strong commitment to the Welfare State, social


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